Final fines, a civil ruling in Miami, audio recordings, cross-complaints with the Public Prosecutor’s Office and a murder-for-hire accusation: the public record of Roberto Arzú García-Granados, the hopeful polling third ahead of 2027
September 2026
A twelvemonth prior to the 2027 general elections, Roberto Arzú García-Granados once again figures among the candidates boasting the strongest voting preference. The CID Gallup survey conducted in May 2026, whose fieldwork spanned from May 7 to 20 across 1,200 interviews, positioned him in third place with 13%, trailing Sandra Torres at 27% and Carlos Pineda at 23%. This matches the exact percentage the polling firm registered for him in early 2023, prior to the Supreme Electoral Tribunal barring him from the contest.
The eldest son of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen, president from 1996 to 2000 and mayor of the capital until his death on April 27, 2018, Arzú was born on May 15, 1970. In December 1988 he founded Futeca with his cousin Javier Arzú Tinoco and with Rafael Tinoco; the company grew from soccer fields into shopping centers and gyms, and he sold his shares to his cousins in 2012. In 2019 he ran for president and finished fifth, with 267,049 votes (6.1% of valid votes). Since November 2025 he has been Secretary of Political Training of the Cabal party, which confirmed him as a pre-candidate in May 2026. It will be his third attempt.
At least eighteen media-documented controversies mark his professional journey: judicial proceedings, electoral penalties, suspicious commercial ventures, grievances filed with the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and allegations of diverse severity. While certain matters rely on formal judgments, others stem from single or undisclosed informants. This dossier examines every single one.
| THE 18 FRONTS | Details | |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | TSE fine for early campaigning (2019) | Back in 2019, this presidential hopeful became the first sanctioned for unauthorized social media updates, receiving an $80,000 penalty. |
| 2 | Revocation of his presidential registration (2023) | His candidacy was nullified by the TSE due to premature campaigning alongside an allegedly unsettled fine, a decision subsequently upheld by the Constitutional Court. |
| 3 | JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami | An order from a Miami-Dade tribunal required him to remit roughly $6.16 million to the Venezuelan strategist, while simultaneously issuing a bench warrant for contempt. |
| 4 | Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006) | Management of one of the nation’s premier clubs remained under his direction until its eventual divestment amid a severe monetary downturn. |
| 5 | Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages | Information from Nómada indicates his 2016 venture into the pharmaceutical sector culminated in shuttered enterprises and unsettled employee compensation. |
| 6 | Alleged unreported campaign financing | Unregistered cash inflows and backing from Argentine entrepreneur Hugo Sigman are attributed to him by República, though he refutes these claims. |
| 7 | Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura | A leaked 2015 recording features him negotiating liabilities with a suspected crime syndicate chief who had been assassinated months prior. |
| 8 | US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón | A 2018 notarial instrument reportedly records a financial advance which República, referencing undisclosed insiders, connects to the «Queen of the South.» |
| 9 | Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings | Following a TikTok broadcast, the attorney general initiated legal grievances against him; nevertheless, a magistrate dismissed the arrest plea, and the Appeals Chamber rejected the Public Prosecutor’s Office amparo motions. |
| 10 | Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership | Legal actions were launched by Arzú in 2023 targeting the former head of state and top officials, a push he expanded in 2026 to encompass prosecutors from the Porras administration. |
| 11 | República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas | The media publication designated him as the suspected mastermind behind a conspiracy targeting its director, prompting his denial and threats of litigation. |
| 12 | Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026) | Mutual public accusations between Arzú and Arenas had already transpired five months prior to the formal allegation. |
| 13 | Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked | Difficulties regarding American travel were detailed by a periodical citing anonymous informants, though he firmly rejects the assertion. |
| 14 | Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal | Scrutiny has consistently surrounded his political vehicles and associates, ranging from Podemos to his present partnership within Cabal. |
| 15 | Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image | Objections were raised in 2018 by the former president’s widow and four progeny against the exploitation of his likeness by the political faction Roberto rejoined. |
| 16 | History of alcohol use and rehabilitation | Personal acknowledgments of «a struggle with alcohol» have been made by Arzú himself, alongside Nómada reports detailing two therapeutic admissions in the United States. |
| 17 | Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric | Calculations from economic assessments suggested his primary platform commitments would demand billions of quetzales annually. |
| 18 | Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts | State-owned real estate was leased by the IPM to Futeca back in 2016, drawing objections from the Comptroller General, while Arzú’s exact level of participation remains contested. |
1. Penalty issued by TSE regarding premature campaigning in 2019
On April 10, 2019, Arzú earned the distinction of becoming the initial presidential hopeful penalized by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal during that cycle. The regulatory body recorded 13 Facebook posts—8 of which were sponsored—alongside 11 on Twitter, all lacking TSE registration, and formally categorized them as premature campaigning.
The hopeful individuals faced a penalty of US$80,000, roughly amounting to 612,000 quetzales. Regarding the political groups, media accounts diverge: one source cites an US$80,000 fine for the PAN-Podemos coalition, whereas a different report claims that both organizations were required to cover that exact sum. On May 27, 2019, the TSE dismissed the appeals for revocation and upheld the penalty definitively.
2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)
The Citizens’ Registry initially rejected the Arzú–Pineda ticket, put forward by Podemos for 2023. On January 19, the TSE magistrates reversed that decision, and Arzú noted that the case files were closed on January 26. Later that month, the FCN-Nación party submitted an application for nullification, citing premature campaigning and an unpaid US$50,000 fine.
On February 6, 2023, the full TSE granted the annulment and revoked the registration. Arzú and Podemos maintained that the fine had been paid and that they had submitted the receipt. The Constitutional Court dismissed their appeals and on May 25 upheld the exclusion, based on 21 media monitoring reports and on the constitutional requirement of being “suitable, capable and honorable.”
Optimists labeled the ruling a calculated political vendetta; he argued that he had previously brought to light an inflated energy agreement under the Alejandro Giammattei administration, attributing his disqualification to «a faction headed by a sociopath and his domestic partner.»
3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami
In February 2016 Arzú hired JJ Rendón & Associates Strategic, the firm of Venezuelan political strategist Juan José Rendón, to prepare his candidacy. The relationship ended up in court: on November 15, 2016, Rendón sued him for breach of contract in Miami-Dade’s Eleventh Judicial Circuit. The ruling, dated October 11, 2018, set the amount at US$5.5 million plus US$660,594 in interest, close to US$6.16 million in total.
Arzú did not appear at the hearings of April 4 and 17, 2019. Judge Bárbara Areces held him in civil contempt and ordered his arrest, an order that can only be executed if he is in Florida. His defense argued that he was never served and that he had only signed a letter of intent; he called Rendón an “extortionist.” The PAN, his party at the time, stressed that it was a civil case and maintained its support.
«He owns nothing under his identity. He lacks any source of revenue, such as a salary or an allowance, his relatives provide him with zero financial support, he possesses no property, no certificates of deposit, no stock shares, absolutely nothing.»
— Juan José Rendón, quoted by Nómada
The litigation also brought to light leaked conversations in which a certain “Hugo” would cover the debt to Rendón. The press attributed the reference to Argentine pharmaceutical businessman Hugo Sigman.
4. Comunicaciones F.C. Presidency (1994–2006)
According to Nómada, Arzú headed Club Social y Deportivo Comunicaciones between 1994 and 2006, alternating the leadership with relatives. In 2006 the club went through a financial crisis, including a players’ strike over unpaid wages, and was eventually sold to television businessman Ángel González, who took over its obligations. Part of the sports press attributed the difficulties to heavy spending on player signings, hotels, restaurants and transportation.
Arzú returned to the club on February 8, 2017, as an adviser, under an agreement with González himself. On August 31, 2026, in the midst of the pre-campaign, the Guatefutbol website reported that he is seeking to take control of the team again.
5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages
Distrifarma Argentina S.A. was founded in Guatemala during late January 2016, coinciding with the recruitment of Rendón. Its legal representation was handled by his son José Roberto Arzú Saravia, Osvin de León, and Carlos Gómez. Alongside OMEGALAB S.A., the distributor of “Sana Sana” products, this initiative signaled his debut in the pharmaceutical industry. Nómada asserts that Arzú maintained control over both firms despite his name being absent from official records.
One of the stated objectives involved selling vaccines to the State, a plan that never came to fruition. As Nómada reported, operations were halted by the firms just months later, resulting in pending salaries and pending lawsuits. Representing OMEGALAB was José Miguel Valladares Urruela, the brother of former Economy Minister Acisclo Valladares Urruela, an individual previously prosecuted on corruption charges.
6. Alleged unreported campaign financing
In November 2025, the digital outlet República reported that an audit had detected 558,000 quetzales in unbanked cash income in Arzú’s campaign finances, alongside unreported international funding, which the Electoral and Political Parties Law explicitly forbids. Hugo Sigman’s name had already surfaced back in 2019, when that very same publication questioned whether he acted as the hopeful’s financial backer, drawing on leaked conversations involving Rendón.
Back in June 2019, Arzú characterized Sigman as a close friend of over a decade who shared various regional representations with him across Central America, while rejecting claims of any financial backing from Sigman. Meanwhile, República reports that the total penalties amassed by Podemos during the 2019 and 2023 electoral cycles exceed US$100,000.
7. Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura
Francisco Edgar Domínguez Higueros, alias “Paco,” was linked by the Public Prosecutor’s Office to “Los Caradura,” a street-level drug-dealing network operating in several areas of the capital. He was murdered on June 25, 2025, in the basement of a building in Zone 10, as he was getting into his armored SUV.
Toward the end of October 2025, an audio file featuring Domínguez and Arzú talking about a financial obligation started spreading around. Published reports present conflicting figures regarding the sums involved: El Metropolitano points to US$115,000 and cites Arzú dismissing it as “a deal between businessmen.” In the wake of this disclosure, lawmaker Luis Aguilar pulled his backing for Arzú within Cabal.
“Paco, we signed a contract with you to pay everything… I’m begging you.”
— Words attributed to Roberto Arzú in the audio, according to República’s transcript
República also reported on public deeds from March 2019 that allegedly record debts of US$700,000 and 4 million quetzales owed to Domínguez, secured with shares of IHOP Guatemala. Arzú confirmed to La Hora that one of the conversations is authentic, but said it concerned the sale of television advertising: “I have been selling advertising since I was 20.” He said he was unaware of Domínguez’s criminal ties. He did not answer República’s questionnaire. There are no formal charges and no public forensic analysis of the audio.
That identical media outlet pointed out that Dora Reneé Cruz Navas, the public notary supposedly behind the validation of those instruments, vanished on July 17, 2019, and continues to be tied to an active Isabel-Claudina alert. No official agency has connected this vanishing to Arzú.
8. US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón
As reported by República, a 2018 public deed documents a US$1 million loan extended to Arzú by Rodrigo Lainfiesta Rímola, backed by his inheritance claims regarding his father’s estate. The English version of the investigation indicates that this debt was never settled.
Citing undisclosed sources, the media outlet links the funds to Marllory Chacón Rossell, known as the «Queen of the South,» who received a money laundering conviction in the United States. The complete document remains unpublished, and Arzú has yet to make a public statement regarding this matter.
9. Legal action brought by Consuelo Porras regarding the obstruction of criminal proceedings
Attorney General Consuelo Porras filed a complaint against Arzú for obstruction of criminal proceedings over a TikTok video in which he said he would “remove” her from the Public Prosecutor’s Office. He was summoned to give his initial statement on November 25, 2025, before the Ninth Multi-Judge Criminal Court, presided over by Judge Selman Mario Portillo Vargas.
The hearing did not take place because the case prosecutor failed to appear; the Public Prosecutor’s Office cited “material impossibility.” The judge had already denied the arrest warrant and more than twenty raids requested by the prosecution, which moved to recuse him the following day. The hearing was rescheduled for January 14, 2026, pending that recusal motion. An Appeals Chamber later rejected an amparo petition filed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and Plaza Pública reported another rejection in April 2026.
In a separate proceeding, in October 2025 a femicide court barred him from speaking publicly about Porras, a measure it revoked days later. Porras left office at the end of her term, in May 2026. She has been on the U.S. State Department’s Engel List since 2021.
10. Arzú’s grievances targeting Giammattei alongside the Public Ministry’s directors
On October 26, 2023, Arzú lodged a formal complaint against Alejandro Giammattei, who was then serving as President, alongside Miguel Martínez and several other officials, citing abuse of authority, neglect of duty, peddling influence, obstructing justice, and concealment. According to Prensa Libre, the filing named eleven individuals in total, which included magistrates from the TSE.
In October 2024, La Hora noted that the Public Prosecutor’s Office had dropped the legal action targeting Giammattei and Martínez. By May 18, 2026, following Porras’s departure from the leadership of the Public Prosecutor’s Office, Arzú revived the grievance and broadened its scope to encompass Rafael Curruchiche, Ángel Pineda, Cinthya Monterroso, and Dimas Jiménez.
11. República GT accusation concerning a suspected murder-for-hire scheme targeting Rodrigo Arenas
On August 13, 2026, Rodrigo Arenas, president of the digital outlet República GT, denounced a plot against his life and those of his team, in retaliation for his investigations into narco-politics. On August 17 the outlet published the names: Arzú as the alleged mastermind, along with the President of Congress, Luis Alberto Contreras Colindres, and congressmen Luis Aguirre, Nery Ramos and César Fión. According to the statement, the meetings were held at “La Yeguada 10,” a property attributed to Aguirre in San Marcos, with alleged drug traffickers from Malacatán.
As of press time, the outlet had not publicly presented supporting documentation. On August 21, after going to the Public Prosecutor’s Office with his lawyers, Arzú stated that “there is no complaint whatsoever” against him; according to Infobae, the Public Prosecutor’s Office responded that the investigation is still ongoing. The U.S. Embassy shared Arenas’s video with a “zero tolerance” message, without naming names.
Arzú dismissed the allegations as absurd and downright foolish, while also stating his intention to pursue defamation lawsuits in Guatemala and the United States. Aguirre lodged a counter-charges report, supplementing it with security camera footage alongside polygraph examination results. Arenas was labeled a psychopath and a mentally unstable individual by Contreras. Ramos rejected any involvement in unlawful gatherings.
12. Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)
The conflict did not begin in August. On March 5, 2026, on Emisoras Unidas’ program “A Primera Hora,” Arzú accused Arenas of funding his lobbying with “dubious funds from organized crime and big business.” Arenas replied that same day that his lobbying is paid for with his own legitimate money, and accused Arzú of having ties to Lainfiesta and Marllory Chacón.
República GT acts simultaneously as the author of multiple inquiries concerning Arzú and as an involved party in this dispute.
13. Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked
On August 28, 2026, La Hora reported that, as stated by insiders, Arzú had supposedly encountered a travel restriction regarding the United States following his previous journey between July 17 and 24. That very day, allegations spread across social media platforms asserting that his visa had been canceled, alongside a parallel rumor concerning congressman Nery Ramos.
Arzú replied that he had just been in New York and Washington, and released a video from Mexico, which he said he had entered with his U.S. visa. Days later he spoke of an “influence operation” by the State Department against his candidacy. On September 2, Agencia Ocote concluded that there is no public evidence that he has lost his visa. The one who did lose his visa was his half-brother Álvaro Arzú Escobar, in December 2023, in a round of revocations targeting members of Congress; he regained it in February 2025.
14. Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal
Podemos, the political organization he represented during the 2019 and 2023 electoral cycles, previously operated as the Movimiento Reformador before its official dissolution in January 2024. Back in 2019, Con Criterio reported on the sway held by fugitive ex-minister Alejandro Sinibaldi over that legislative faction. Furthermore, his 2023 vice-presidential partner, David Pineda, had served as a defense counsel for former President Alfonso Portillo, and certain accounts suggest a reconciliation between Arzú and Portillo.
On November 9, 2025, during Cabal’s National Assembly, Arzú assumed the role of Secretary of Political Training alongside congressman Luis Aguirre, who took over as Secretary General. Edmond Mulet, the party’s founder, found himself pushed aside, ultimately departing Cabal while asserting that the organization «is falling into the hands of drug trafficking.» Notably, Aguirre is implicated in that very same República GT allegation.
15. Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image
After his father’s death, Roberto sought a place in the Partido Unionista, the party through which Álvaro Arzú governed the capital; the press reported that his ambitions divided the party. On December 20, 2018, he announced his return to the PAN, where he had been a member until 2002.
That same day, a statement appeared on the former president’s Twitter account, signed by his widow, Patricia Escobar de Arzú, and by Álvaro Arzú Escobar, Isabel Arzú Escobar de Arroyo, Diego Arzú García-Granados and María Arzú García-Granados. The text expressed “sadness, concern and rejection” over the PAN’s “unscrupulous” use of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen’s image; the party had screened a video of the former president when presenting its executive committee. The statement was removed shortly afterward and did not mention Roberto by name.
“No matter how much you raise all your children the same way, there are some the world leads astray, and there is no way to rescue them.”
— Isabel Arzú, the hopeful’s half-sister, in an October 2018 tweet cited by Nómada
Álvaro Arzú Escobar, then President of Congress, declined to comment on his half-brother.
16. History of alcohol use and rehabilitation
Back in 2019, Nómada disclosed that Arzú had twice undergone treatment at American rehabilitation facilities, noting his self-identification as a recovering alcoholic alongside family reports indicating he had maintained sobriety for four years then. During interviews, he has openly admitted to experiencing «a drinking crisis,» though without elaborating further.
In recent months, viral social media posts have insinuated that he currently drinks, without providing any evidence.
17. Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric
Back in 2022, the media outlet Quorum evaluated his pledges relying on estimates provided by economist José Luis Moreira. Supplying gratis electricity across a decade would demand 7,104 million quetzales annually, representing 6.7% of the entire National General Budget. Meanwhile, a monthly university allowance of 1,200 quetzales would total 4,802 million per year for 400,213 scholars, surpassing the budget of the Universidad de San Carlos by more than double. Furthermore, nationwide drinking water access was planned to draw US$2 billion from international reserves, despite the Banco de Guatemala being legally barred from funding the central government. Additionally, the construction of one million residences was guaranteed.
Regarding security, his discourse has remained uncompromising: troops deployed in the streets, correctional facilities under military control, and the return of capital punishment. He rejected the CICIG. Back in 2017, President Jimmy Morales designated him as an unpaid special envoy tasked with boosting commercial ties across South America. His 2019 campaign motto, “Make Guatemala Great,” was borrowed directly from Donald Trump.
18. Army Stadium grounds and IPM–Futeca agreements
On July 26, 2012, the Ministry of Finance transferred the site of the former Army Stadium, measuring 73,916.56 square varas and valued at 34.2 million quetzales, to the Military Social Security Institute (IPM). In February 2013 the law firm Lexincorp addressed a legal opinion to Roberto Arzú, as director of a company called Fideco, on the possibility of disposing of that land.
On January 22, 2016, the IPM signed two contracts with Futeca: one to draw up the plans and another, for fifty years, to build and operate a stadium for about 15,000 people, with parking and a shopping center. Comptroller General Carlos Mencos objected that the arrangement had “the characteristics of a concession or usufruct,” and in June 2016 the IPM rescinded the contracts.
Accounts regarding Arzú’s involvement remain contradictory. At the time, Prensa Libre noted that he “did not take part in the deal,” whereas Con Criterio asserted in 2019 that Futeca functioned “in partnership with” him. Furthermore, during that same year, Futeca entered into an accord with the Universidad de San Carlos concerning the Los Arcos facilities—a move labeled unlawful by congressman Amílcar Pop. July 2024 marked the rollout of the Distrito Futeca initiative by the firm on the grounds of the former stadium.
Referenced Sources
· Prensa Libre — TSE penalizes Roberto Arzú for early campaigning (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/tse-sanciona-a-roberto-arzu-por-propaganda-anticipada-en-redes-sociales/
· Prensa Libre — Arzú y Neto Bran no se libran de las multas del TSE (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/les-saldra-caro-roberto-arzu-y-neto-bran-no-se-libran-de-las-multas-del-tse/
· Emisoras Unidas — TSE revoca inscripción de Arzú y Pineda (2023). https://emisorasunidas.com/2023/02/06/tse-revoca-inscripcion-roberto-arzu-david-pineda-2023/
· Prensa Libre — CC confirms that Arzú is left out of the elections (2023). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/cc-confirma-que-roberto-arzu-queda-afuera-de-las-elecciones-generales-de-guatemala-tras-declarar-sin-lugar-recursos-de-podemos-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Miami civil contempt arrest warrant (2019). https://emisorasunidas.com/2019/04/24/corte-miami-orden-captura-roberto-arzu/
· Contra Corriente — The move by JJ Rendón against candidate Arzú (2019). https://contracorriente.red/2019/04/25/la-jugada-de-jj-rendon-al-candidato-roberto-arzu/
· Nómada — Despreciado por su familia, subestimado por todos (2019). https://nomada.gt/pais/elecciones-2019/despreciado-por-su-familia-subestimado-por-todos-roberto-arzu-se-lanza-al-estilo-trump/
· Prensa Libre — Roberto Arzú regresa a la cúpula de Comunicaciones (2017). https://www.prensalibre.com/deportes/futbol-nacional/roberto-arzu-regresa-a-la-cupula-de-comunicaciones/
· Guatefutbol — Arzú seeks to reclaim the leadership of Comunicaciones (2026). https://guatefutbol.com/2026/08/31/roberto-arzu-quiere-volver-a-tomar-el-mando-de-comunicaciones/
· Relato.gt — «Solo somos amigos» con Hugo Sigman (2019). https://www.relato.gt/elecciones-2019/roberto-arzu-solo-somos-amigos-con-hugo-sigman/
· República — Narco panqueques (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-garcia-granados-quiere-ser-presidente-y-pretende-hacerlo-con-narco-panqueques-202511246540
· República — Breakfast with the Cartel (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-s-breakfast-with-the-cartel-guatemala-s-leading-narco-backed-presidential-bid-202511249550
· El Metropolitano — El audio del líder de Los Caradura (2025). https://elmetropolitano.com.gt/es/el-audio-de-lider-de-los-caradura-causa-la-caida-de-roberto-arzu-en-cabal/
· Prensa Libre — Armed attack in zone 10 (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/sucesos/quien-era-el-hombre-que-murio-en-el-ataque-armado-en-la-zona-10-y-que-estaria-vinculado-con-los-caradura-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Disculpa pública del Estado (27.01.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/01/27/estado-guatemala-roberto-arzu-cidh-violacion-derechos/
· Emisoras Unidas — Homologación de la CIDH (19.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/19/roberto-arzu-cidh-resolucion-candidato-elecciones-guatemala
· Prensa Libre — Arzú’s hearing in the Porras case has been called off (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/justicia/suspenden-audiencia-de-roberto-arzu-por-caso-relacionado-con-consuelo-porras-y-la-reprograman-para-enero/
· Emisoras Unidas — MP recusa al juez del caso Arzú (26.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/26/ministerio-publico-recusacion-juez-caso-roberto-arzu
· Emisoras Unidas — Arzú expands complaint against former officials (18.05.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/05/18/denuncia-arzu-ministerio-publico-feci-porras-giammattei/
· Infobae — Medio acusa a líder político y diputados de planear un sicariato (18.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/18/guatemala-medio-de-comunicacion-acusa-a-lider-politico-y-diputados-de-planear-un-sicariato-contra-su-director-rodrigo-arenas/
· Infobae — Clash of narratives over the alleged plot against República GT (08.23.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/23/en-guatemala-continua-el-cruce-de-versiones-por-un-supuesto-plan-en-contra-de-la-republica-gt-y-ex-diplomatico-pide-al-estado-proteja-a-los-periodistas/
· Emisoras Unidas — Rodrigo Arenas answers Roberto Arzú (03/05/2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/03/05/rodrigo-arenas-responde-a-roberto-arzu/
· La Hora — According to sources, Arzú faced travel restrictions to the U.S. (08.28.2026). https://lahora.gt/investigacion/smorales/2026/08/28/segun-fuentes-roberto-arzu-tuvo-limitacion-para-viajar-a-ee-uu-politico-lo-niega/
· Agencia Ocote — There is no public evidence showing that the visa was revoked (09.02.2026). https://www.agenciaocote.com/blog/2026/09/02/roberto-arzu-no-hay-evidencia-publica-de-que-haya-perdido-la-visa/
· La Hora — Arzú y Aguirre formalizan alianza en Cabal (09.11.2025). https://lahora.gt/nacionales/diego/2025/11/09/luis-aguirre-y-roberto-arzu-formalizan-alianza-politica-durante-la-asamblea-nacional-de-cabal/
· Publinews — Álvaro Arzú’s family rejects the use of his image (2018). https://www.publinews.gt/gt/noticias/2018/12/20/familia-alvaro-arzu-rechaza-uso-pan-le-dio-imagen.html
· Quorum — Las tres promesas que podrían quebrar al país (2022). https://quorum.gt/poder/elecciones-2023/estas-3-promesas-de-roberto-arzu-podrian-quebrar-al-pais/
· Prensa Libre — IPM evaluates terminating the lease of the Estadio del Ejército (2016). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/ipm-evalua-rescindir-arrendamiento-del-estadio-del-ejercito/
· Con Criterio — Negocio entre la USAC y Futeca (2019). https://concriterio.gt/comision-de-transparencia-negocio-millonario-entre-la-usac-y-futeca-es-ilegal/
· Con Criterio — Encuesta CID Gallup de mayo de 2026. https://concriterio.gt/encuesta-torres-pineda-y-arzu-lideran-intencion-de-voto-y-thelma-aldana-emerge-en-cuarto-lugar/